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Ao regressar em a. Finalmente, a cronologia pode ser determinada a partir do testemunho de fontes antigas. Em vez disso, fez um uso abundante deles.

Escolas e influenciados. Ver: Teoria das ideias e Alegoria da caverna. Ver: Anima mundi. Ver: Demiurgo. Zalta, Edward N. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

Stanford University. The Hermeneutics of the Subject. Neoplatonism in Islamic Philosophy'. Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy , Cambridge University Press.

Perspectives on Maimonides: Philosophical and Historical Studies. Process and Reality. New York: The Free Press.

Plato: An Interdisciplinary Perspective. Brickhouse, Thomas; Smith, Nicholas D. Fieser, James; Dowden, Bradley eds. The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

Retrieved 3 April The Prometheus Trust. ISBN 1 35 0. Plato: Complete Works. Hackett Publishing. Pensamento; ISBN The people of Plato: a prosopography of Plato and other Socratics.

The following works were transmitted under Plato's name, most of them already considered spurious in antiquity, and so were not included by Thrasyllus in his tetralogical arrangement.

These works are labelled as Notheuomenoi "spurious" or Apocrypha. Some known manuscripts of Plato survive. These sources are medieval manuscripts written on vellum mainly from 9th to 13th century AD Byzantium , papyri mainly from late antiquity in Egypt , and from the independent testimonia of other authors who quote various segments of the works which come from a variety of sources.

The text as presented is usually not much different from what appears in the Byzantine manuscripts, and papyri and testimonia just confirm the manuscript tradition.

In some editions however the readings in the papyri or testimonia are favoured in some places by the editing critic of the text. Reviewing editions of papyri for the Republic in , Slings suggests that the use of papyri is hampered due to some poor editing practices.

In the first century AD, Thrasyllus of Mendes had compiled and published the works of Plato in the original Greek, both genuine and spurious.

While it has not survived to the present day, all the extant medieval Greek manuscripts are based on his edition. Clarke 39 , which was written in Constantinople in and acquired by Oxford University in B contains the first six tetralogies and is described internally as being written by "John the Calligrapher" on behalf of Arethas of Caesarea.

It appears to have undergone corrections by Arethas himself. The oldest manuscript for the seventh tetralogy is Codex Vindobonensis To help establish the text, the older evidence of papyri and the independent evidence of the testimony of commentators and other authors i.

Many papyri which contain fragments of Plato's texts are among the Oxyrhynchus Papyri. The Oxford Classical Texts edition by Slings even cites the Coptic translation of a fragment of the Republic in the Nag Hammadi library as evidence.

During the early Renaissance, the Greek language and, along with it, Plato's texts were reintroduced to Western Europe by Byzantine scholars.

In September or October Filippo Valori and Francesco Berlinghieri printed copies of Ficino's translation, using the printing press at the Dominican convent S.

Jacopo di Ripoli. The edition [] of Plato's complete works published by Henricus Stephanus Henri Estienne in Geneva also included parallel Latin translation and running commentary by Joannes Serranus Jean de Serres.

It was this edition which established standard Stephanus pagination , still in use today. The Oxford Classical Texts offers the current standard complete Greek text of Plato's complete works.

In five volumes edited by John Burnet , its first edition was published —, and it is still available from the publisher, having last been printed in Dodds ' of the Gorgias , which includes extensive English commentary.

There is also the Clarendon Plato Series by Oxford University Press which offers English translations and thorough philosophical commentary by leading scholars on a few of Plato's works, including John McDowell 's version of the Theaetetus.

The most famous criticism of Platonism is the Third Man Argument. Plato actually considered this objection with "large" rather than man in the Parmenides dialogue.

Many recent philosophers have diverged from what some would describe as the ontological models and moral ideals characteristic of traditional Platonism.

A number of these postmodern philosophers have thus appeared to disparage Platonism from more or less informed perspectives. Friedrich Nietzsche notoriously attacked Plato's "idea of the good itself" along with many fundamentals of Christian morality, which he interpreted as "Platonism for the masses" in one of his most important works, Beyond Good and Evil Martin Heidegger argued against Plato's alleged obfuscation of Being in his incomplete tome, Being and Time , and the philosopher of science Karl Popper argued in The Open Society and Its Enemies that Plato's alleged proposal for a utopian political regime in the Republic was prototypically totalitarian.

The Dutch historian of science Eduard Jan Dijksterhuis criticizes Plato, stating that he was guilty of "constructing an imaginary nature by reasoning from preconceived principles and forcing reality more or less to adapt itself to this construction.

Plato's Academy mosaic was created in the villa of T. The School of Athens fresco by Raphael features Plato also as a central figure. The Nuremberg Chronicle depicts Plato and other as anachronistic schoolmen.

Plato's thought is often compared with that of his most famous student, Aristotle, whose reputation during the Western Middle Ages so completely eclipsed that of Plato that the Scholastic philosophers referred to Aristotle as "the Philosopher".

However, in the Byzantine Empire , the study of Plato continued. The only Platonic work known to western scholarship was Timaeus , until translations were made after the fall of Constantinople , which occurred during It is believed that Plethon passed a copy of the Dialogues to Cosimo de' Medici when in the Council of Ferrara , called to unify the Greek and Latin Churches, was adjourned to Florence, where Plethon then lectured on the relation and differences of Plato and Aristotle, and fired Cosimo with his enthusiasm; [] Cosimo would supply Marsilio Ficino with Plato's text for translation to Latin.

During the early Islamic era, Persian and Arab scholars translated much of Plato into Arabic and wrote commentaries and interpretations on Plato's, Aristotle's and other Platonist philosophers' works see Al-Farabi , Avicenna , Averroes , Hunayn ibn Ishaq.

Many of these comments on Plato were translated from Arabic into Latin and as such influenced Medieval scholastic philosophers.

During the Renaissance , with the general resurgence of interest in classical civilization, knowledge of Plato's philosophy would become widespread again in the West.

Many of the greatest early modern scientists and artists who broke with Scholasticism and fostered the flowering of the Renaissance, with the support of the Plato-inspired Lorenzo grandson of Cosimo , saw Plato's philosophy as the basis for progress in the arts and sciences.

His political views, too, were well-received: the vision of wise philosopher-kings of the Republic matched the views set out in works such as Machiavelli 's The Prince.

It was Plethon's student Bessarion who reconciled Plato with Christian theology, arguing that Plato's views were only ideals, unattainable due to the fall of man.

By the 19th century, Plato's reputation was restored, and at least on par with Aristotle's. Notable Western philosophers have continued to draw upon Plato's work since that time.

Plato's influence has been especially strong in mathematics and the sciences. Plato's resurgence further inspired some of the greatest advances in logic since Aristotle, primarily through Gottlob Frege and his followers Kurt Gödel , Alonzo Church , and Alfred Tarski.

Albert Einstein suggested that the scientist who takes philosophy seriously would have to avoid systematization and take on many different roles, and possibly appear as a Platonist or Pythagorean, in that such a one would have "the viewpoint of logical simplicity as an indispensable and effective tool of his research.

The political philosopher and professor Leo Strauss is considered by some as the prime thinker involved in the recovery of Platonic thought in its more political, and less metaphysical, form.

Strauss' political approach was in part inspired by the appropriation of Plato and Aristotle by medieval Jewish and Islamic political philosophers , especially Maimonides and Al-Farabi , as opposed to the Christian metaphysical tradition that developed from Neoplatonism.

Deeply influenced by Nietzsche and Heidegger, Strauss nonetheless rejects their condemnation of Plato and looks to the dialogues for a solution to what all three latter day thinkers acknowledge as 'the crisis of the West.

Quine dubbed the problem of negative existentials " Plato's beard ". Noam Chomsky dubbed the problem of knowledge Plato's problem.

One author calls the definist fallacy the Socratic fallacy [ citation needed ]. More broadly, platonism sometimes distinguished from Plato's particular view by the lowercase refers to the view that there are many abstract objects.

Still to this day, platonists take number and the truths of mathematics as the best support in favour of this view.

Most mathematicians think, like platonists, that numbers and the truths of mathematics are perceived by reason rather than the senses yet exist independently of minds and people, that is to say, they are discovered rather than invented.

Contemporary platonism is also more open to the idea of there being infinitely many abstract objects, as numbers or propositions might qualify as abstract objects, while ancient Platonism seemed to resist this view, possibly because of the need to overcome the problem of "the One and the Many".

Thus e. However, he repeatedly does support the idea that there are Forms of artifacts, e. Contemporary platonism also tends to view abstract objects as unable to cause anything, but it is unclear whether the ancient Platonists felt this way.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Plato disambiguation and Platon disambiguation. Classical Greek Athenian philosopher, founder of Platonism.

Roman copy of a portrait bust by Silanion for the Academia in Athens c. Athens , Greece. Apology Phaedo Symposium Republic Timaeus.

Platonic philosophy Innatism Theory of forms Idealism. Plato from Raphael 's The School of Athens — Main article: Early life of Plato.

Assignment to the elements in Kepler 's Mysterium Cosmographicum. Heraclitus by Hendrick ter Brugghen. See also: List of speakers in Plato's dialogues.

Main article: Allegorical interpretations of Plato. See also: List of manuscripts of Plato's dialogues. Philosophy portal.

Diogenes mentions as one of his sources the Universal History of Favorinus. According to Favorinus, Ariston, Plato's family, and his family were sent by Athens to settle as cleruchs colonists retaining their Athenian citizenship , on the island of Aegina, from which they were expelled by the Spartans after Plato's birth there.

Jens Halfwassen states in Der Aufstieg zum Einen' that "Plotinus' ontology—which should be called Plotinus' henology —is a rather accurate philosophical renewal and continuation of Plato's unwritten doctrine, i.

Montoriola , p. A more detailed analysis is given by Krämer Another description is by Reale and Reale A thorough analysis of the consequences of such an approach is given by Szlezak Another supporter of this interpretation is the German philosopher Karl Albert , cf.

Albert or Albert Hans-Georg Gadamer is also sympathetic towards it, cf. Grondin and Gadamer Gadamer's final position on the subject is stated in Gadamer This is in accordance with the practice in the specialized literature, in which it is common to find that the terms allegory and myth are used as synonyms.

Nevertheless, there is a trend among modern scholars to use the term myth and avoid the term allegory, as it is considered more appropriate to modern interpretation of Plato's writings.

The South Atlantic Quarterly. Duke University Press. Archived from the original on 21 April Retrieved 17 January Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

Archived from the original on 5 October Retrieved 5 October Archived from the original on 22 February Retrieved 12 February Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

Archived from the original on 20 October Retrieved 17 October Hare, Plato in C. Taylor, R. History of Western Philosophy. Archived from the original on 6 March Retrieved 3 March Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University.

Retrieved 18 October The Religion of Socrates. Penn State Press. Ancient History Encyclopedia. Archived from the original on 27 April Retrieved 27 April Open University.

Retrieved 20 August Journal of the History of Ideas. X 4 : — Archived from the original on 27 May Retrieved 29 October Bachelor and Master.

Archived from the original on 15 February Retrieved 25 February A Synthesis of World History. See also Slings , p.

Archived from the original on 2 March The mechanization of the world picture. Translated by C. Archived from the original on 30 September Retrieved 9 February Apuleius , De Dogmate Platonis , I.

See original text in Latin Library. Aristophanes , The Wasps. See original text in Perseus program. Aristotle , Metaphysics. Cicero , De Divinatione , I.

See original text in Latin library. Lives of the Eminent Philosophers. Translated by Hicks, Robert Drew Two volume ed. Loeb Classical Library.

Translated by Jowett, Benjamin — via Wikisource. Translated by Jowett Benjamin — via Wikisource. Plato Translated by Burnet, John.

Oxford University. The Republic. Plutarch [written in the late 1st century]. Translated by Dryden, John — via Wikisource.

Seneca the Younger. Moral Letters to Lucilius: Letter Translated by Richard Mott Gummere — via Wikisource. History of the Peloponnesian War.

Translated by Crawley, Richard — via Wikisource. Xenophon , Memorabilia. Albert, Karl Griechische Religion und platonische Philosophie.

Hamburg: Felix Meiner Verlag. Einführung in die philosophische Mystik. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Marsilio Ficino: The Philebus Commentary.

University of California Press. Blackburn, Simon The Oxford Dictionary of Philosophy. Oxford University Press. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

In Ferrari, G. The Cambridge Companion to Plato's Republic. Translated from the German by G. Cambridge University Press.

Nebula, A Netzine of the Arts and Science. Merzbach, Uta C. A History of Mathematics Second ed. The Chronology of Plato's Dialogues.

Fieser, James; Dowden, Bradley eds. The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved 3 April Pseudodoxia Epidemica. IV 6th ed. October The Yale University Library Gazette.

Plato's Phaedo. In Hamilton, Edith; Cairns, Huntington eds. Princeton University Press. In Craig, Edward ed.

Plato: Complete Works. Hackett Publishing. Dillon, John Plato Gorgias. The Greeks and the Irrational. The Transformation of Plato's Republic.

Lexington Books. In Schilpp ed. Albert Einstein: Philosopher-Scientist. The Library of Living Philosophers. MJF Books. Philosophical Review.

Fine, Gail a. Plato 1: Metaphysics and Epistemology. Plato 2: Ethics, Politics, Religion, and the Soul. Plato on Knowledge and Forms: Selected Essays.

Dialogue and Dialectic. Yale University Press. In Girgenti, Giuseppe ed. La nuova interpretazione di Platone. Milan: Rusconi Libri. Reale, Giovanni ed.

Testimonia Platonica: Le antiche testimonianze sulle dottrine non scritte di Platone. Milan: Vita e Pensiero.

Gomperz, H. In Ryle, G. Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Philosophy. Philosophical Studies. Boston: Christopher Publishing House , pp.

Grondin, Jean Academia Verlag. In Gersh; Hoenen eds. He dedicated his life to learning and teaching and is hailed as one of the founders of Western philosophy.

He is also famous for his dialogues early, middle, and late , which showcase his metaphysical theory of forms—something else he is well known for.

Plato also founded the Academy , an academic program that many consider to be the first Western university, where he stressed the importance of science and mathematics.

Plato is one of history's most influential philosophers. His contributions range across numerous philosophical subfields, including but not limited to ethics , cosmology , and metaphysics.

Though he was not a scientist in the modern sense, Plato also examined the natural world and the philosophical implications it held.

He lived primarily in Athens , Greece. Plato did not have children, and it is assumed based on textual evidence that he never married.

He did have a number of siblings, however: three brothers, Glaucon, Antiphon, and Adeimantus of Collytus, and one sister, Potone.

His father, Ariston of Athens, died when he was young, and his mother, Perictione, remarried with her uncle Pyrilampes.

Building on the demonstration by Socrates that those regarded as experts in ethical matters did not have the understanding necessary for a good human life, Plato introduced the idea that their mistakes were due to their not engaging properly with a class of entities he called forms , chief examples of which were Justice , Beauty, and Equality.

Whereas other thinkers—and Plato himself in certain passages—used the term without any precise technical force, Plato in the course of his career came to devote specialized attention to these entities.

As he conceived them, they were accessible not to the senses but to the mind alone, and they were the most important constituents of reality, underlying the existence of the sensible world and giving it what intelligibility it has.

In metaphysics Plato envisioned a systematic, rational treatment of the forms and their interrelations, starting with the most fundamental among them the Good , or the One ; in ethics and moral psychology he developed the view that the good life requires not just a certain kind of knowledge as Socrates had suggested but also habituation to healthy emotional responses and therefore harmony between the three parts of the soul according to Plato, reason , spirit, and appetite.

His works also contain discussions in aesthetics , political philosophy , theology , cosmology , epistemology , and the philosophy of language.

His school fostered research not just in philosophy narrowly conceived but in a wide range of endeavours that today would be called mathematical or scientific.

The son of Ariston his father and Perictione his mother , Plato was born in the year after the death of the great Athenian statesman Pericles.

Plato as a young man was a member of the circle around Socrates. Since the latter wrote nothing, what is known of his characteristic activity of engaging his fellow citizens and the occasional itinerant celebrity in conversation derives wholly from the writings of others, most notably Plato himself.

Resentment against Socrates grew, leading ultimately to his trial and execution on charges of impiety and corrupting the youth in Plato was profoundly affected by both the life and the death of Socrates.

After the death of Socrates, Plato may have traveled extensively in Greece , Italy , and Egypt , though on such particulars the evidence is uncertain.

The followers of Pythagoras c. It is thought that his three trips to Syracuse in Sicily many of the Letters concern these, though their authenticity is controversial led to a deep personal attachment to Dion — bce , brother-in-law of Dionysius the Elder — bce , the tyrant of Syracuse.

The great mathematicians Theaetetus — bce and Eudoxus of Cnidus c.

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At any rate, that is true of a large number of Plato's interlocutors. However, it must be added that in some of his works the speakers display little or no character.

See, for example, Sophist and Statesman —dialogues in which a visitor from the town of Elea in Southern Italy leads the discussion; and Laws , a discussion between an unnamed Athenian and two named fictional characters, one from Crete and the other from Sparta.

In many of his dialogues though not all , Plato is not only attempting to draw his readers into a discussion, but is also commenting on the social milieu that he is depicting, and criticizing the character and ways of life of his interlocutors.

Some of the dialogues that most evidently fall into this category are Protagoras , Gorgias , Hippias Major , Euthydemus , and Symposium.

There is one interlocutor who speaks in nearly all of Plato's dialogues, being completely absent only in Laws , which ancient testimony tells us was one of his latest works: that figure is Socrates.

Like nearly everyone else who appears in Plato's works, he is not an invention of Plato: there really was a Socrates just as there really was a Crito, a Gorgias, a Thrasymachus, and a Laches.

Plato was not the only author whose personal experience of Socrates led to the depiction of him as a character in one or more dramatic works.

Socrates is one of the principal characters of Aristophanes' comedy, Clouds ; and Xenophon, a historian and military leader, wrote, like Plato, both an Apology of Socrates an account of Socrates' trial and other works in which Socrates appears as a principal speaker.

Furthermore, we have some fragmentary remains of dialogues written by other contemporaries of Socrates besides Plato and Xenophon Aeschines, Antisthenes, Eucleides, Phaedo , and these purport to describe conversations he conducted with others.

So, when Plato wrote dialogues that feature Socrates as a principal speaker, he was both contributing to a genre that was inspired by the life of Socrates and participating in a lively literary debate about the kind of person Socrates was and the value of the intellectual conversations in which he was involved.

Aristophanes' comic portrayal of Socrates is at the same time a bitter critique of him and other leading intellectual figures of the day the s B.

Evidently, the historical Socrates was the sort of person who provoked in those who knew him, or knew of him, a profound response, and he inspired many of those who came under his influence to write about him.

But the portraits composed by Aristophanes, Xenophon, and Plato are the ones that have survived intact, and they are therefore the ones that must play the greatest role in shaping our conception of what Socrates was like.

Of these, Clouds has the least value as an indication of what was distinctive of Socrates' mode of philosophizing: after all, it is not intended as a philosophical work, and although it may contain a few lines that are characterizations of features unique to Socrates, for the most part it is an attack on a philosophical type—the long-haired, unwashed, amoral investigator into abstruse phenomena—rather than a depiction of Socrates himself.

Xenophon's depiction of Socrates, whatever its value as historical testimony which may be considerable , is generally thought to lack the philosophical subtlety and depth of Plato's.

At any rate, no one certainly not Xenophon himself takes Xenophon to be a major philosopher in his own right; when we read his Socratic works, we are not encountering a great philosophical mind.

But that is what we experience when we read Plato. We may read Plato's Socratic dialogues because we are as Plato evidently wanted us to be interested in who Socrates was and what he stood for, but even if we have little or no desire to learn about the historical Socrates, we will want to read Plato because in doing so we are encountering an author of the greatest philosophical significance.

No doubt he in some way borrowed in important ways from Socrates, though it is not easy to say where to draw the line between him and his teacher more about this below in section But it is widely agreed among scholars that Plato is not a mere transcriber of the words of Socrates any more than Xenophon or the other authors of Socratic discourses.

Socrates, it should be kept in mind, does not appear in all of Plato's works. He makes no appearance in Laws , and there are several dialogues Sophist , Statesman , Timaeus in which his role is small and peripheral, while some other figure dominates the conversation or even, as in the Timaeus and Critias , presents a long and elaborate, continuous discourse of their own.

Plato's dialogues are not a static literary form; not only do his topics vary, not only do his speakers vary, but the role played by questions and answers is never the same from one dialogue to another.

Symposium , for example, is a series of speeches, and there are also lengthy speeches in Apology , Menexenus , Protagoras , Crito , Phaedrus , Timaeus , and Critias ; in fact, one might reasonably question whether these works are properly called dialogues.

The closest we come to an exception to this generalization is the seventh letter, which contains a brief section in which the author, Plato or someone pretending to be him, commits himself to several philosophical points—while insisting, at the same time, that no philosopher will write about the deepest matters, but will communicate his thoughts only in private discussion with selected individuals.

As noted above, the authenticity of Plato's letters is a matter of great controversy; and in any case, the author of the seventh letter declares his opposition to the writing of philosophical books.

Whether Plato wrote it or not, it cannot be regarded as a philosophical treatise, and its author did not wish it to be so regarded. In all of his writings—except in the letters, if any of them are genuine—Plato never speaks to his audience directly and in his own voice.

Strictly speaking, he does not himself affirm anything in his dialogues; rather, it is the interlocutors in his dialogues who are made by Plato to do all of the affirming, doubting, questioning, arguing, and so on.

Whatever he wishes to communicate to us is conveyed indirectly. This feature of Plato's works raises important questions about how they are to be read, and has led to considerable controversy among those who study his writings.

Since he does not himself affirm anything in any of his dialogues, can we ever be on secure ground in attributing a philosophical doctrine to him as opposed to one of his characters?

Did he himself have philosophical convictions, and can we discover what they were? Or, if we attribute some view to Plato himself, are we being unfaithful to the spirit in which he intended the dialogues to be read?

Is his whole point, in refraining from writing treatises, to discourage the readers of his works from asking what their author believes and to encourage them instead simply to consider the plausibility or implausibility of what his characters are saying?

Is that why Plato wrote dialogues? If not for this reason, then what was his purpose in refraining from addressing his audience in a more direct way?

There are other important questions about the particular shape his dialogues take: for example, why does Socrates play such a prominent role in so many of them, and why, in some of these works, does Socrates play a smaller role, or none at all?

Once these questions are raised and their difficulty acknowledged, it is tempting, in reading Plato's works and reflecting upon them, to adopt a strategy of extreme caution.

Rather than commit oneself to any hypothesis about what he is trying to communicate to his readers, one might adopt a stance of neutrality about his intentions, and confine oneself to talking only about what is said by his dramatis personae.

One cannot be faulted, for example, if one notes that, in Plato's Republic , Socrates argues that justice in the soul consists in each part of the soul doing its own.

It is equally correct to point out that other principal speakers in that work, Glaucon and Adeimantus, accept the arguments that Socrates gives for that definition of justice.

Perhaps there is no need for us to say more—to say, for example, that Plato himself agrees that this is how justice should be defined, or that Plato himself accepts the arguments that Socrates gives in support of this definition.

Should we not read his works for their intrinsic philosophical value, and not as tools to be used for entering into the mind of their author?

We know what Plato's characters say—and isn't that all that we need, for the purpose of engaging with his works philosophically?

But the fact that we know what Plato's characters say does not show that by refusing to entertain any hypotheses about what the author of these works is trying to communicate to his readers we can understand what those characters mean by what they say.

We should not lose sight of this obvious fact: it is Plato, not any of his dramatis personae , who is reaching out to a readership and trying to influence their beliefs and actions by means of his literary actions.

When we ask whether an argument put forward by a character in Plato's works should be read as an effort to persuade us of its conclusion, or is better read as a revelation of how foolish that speaker is, we are asking about what Plato as author not that character is trying to lead us to believe, through the writing that he is presenting to our attention.

We need to interpret the work itself to find out what it, or Plato the author, is saying. Similarly, when we ask how a word that has several different senses is best understood, we are asking what Plato means to communicate to us through the speaker who uses that word.

We should not suppose that we can derive much philosophical value from Plato's writings if we refuse to entertain any thoughts about what use he intends us to make of the things his speakers say.

Penetrating the mind of Plato and comprehending what his interlocutors mean by what they say are not two separate tasks but one, and if we do not ask what his interlocutors mean by what they say, and what the dialogue itself indicates we should think about what they mean, we will not profit from reading his dialogues.

Furthermore, the dialogues have certain characteristics that are most easily explained by supposing that Plato is using them as vehicles for inducing his readers to become convinced or more convinced than they already are of certain propositions—for example, that there are forms, that the soul is not corporeal, that knowledge can be acquired only by means of a study of the forms, and so on.

Why, after all, did Plato write so many works for example: Phaedo , Symposium , Republic , Phaedrus , Theaetetus , Sophist , Statesman , Timaeus , Philebus , Laws in which one character dominates the conversation often, but not always, Socrates and convinces the other speakers at times, after encountering initial resistance that they should accept or reject certain conclusions, on the basis of the arguments presented?

The only plausible way of answering that question is to say that these dialogues were intended by Plato to be devices by which he might induce the audience for which they are intended to reflect on and accept the arguments and conclusions offered by his principal interlocutor.

The educative value of written texts is thus explicitly acknowledged by Plato's dominant speaker. If preludes can educate a whole citizenry that is prepared to learn from them, then surely Plato thinks that other sorts of written texts—for example, his own dialogues—can also serve an educative function.

This does not mean that Plato thinks that his readers can become wise simply by reading and studying his works. On the contrary, it is highly likely that he wanted all of his writings to be supplementary aids to philosophical conversation: in one of his works, he has Socrates warn his readers against relying solely on books, or taking them to be authoritative.

They are, Socrates says, best used as devices that stimulate the readers' memory of discussions they have had Phaedrus ed.

In those face-to-face conversations with a knowledgeable leader, positions are taken, arguments are given, and conclusions are drawn. Plato's writings, he implies in this passage from Phaedrus , will work best when conversational seeds have already been sown for the arguments they contain.

If we take Plato to be trying to persuade us, in many of his works, to accept the conclusions arrived at by his principal interlocutors or to persuade us of the refutations of their opponents , we can easily explain why he so often chooses Socrates as the dominant speaker in his dialogues.

Presumably the contemporary audience for whom Plato was writing included many of Socrates' admirers. Furthermore, if Plato felt strongly indebted to Socrates for many of his philosophical techniques and ideas, that would give him further reason for assigning a dominant role to him in many of his works.

More about this in section Of course, there are other more speculative possible ways of explaining why Plato so often makes Socrates his principal speaker.

But anyone who has read some of Plato's works will quickly recognize the utter implausibility of that alternative way of reading them.

Plato could have written into his works clear signals to the reader that the arguments of Socrates do not work, and that his interlocutors are foolish to accept them.

But there are many signs in such works as Meno , Phaedo , Republic , and Phaedrus that point in the opposite direction. And the great admiration Plato feels for Socrates is also evident from his Apology.

The reader is given every encouragement to believe that the reason why Socrates is successful in persuading his interlocutors on those occasions when he does succeed is that his arguments are powerful ones.

The reader, in other words, is being encouraged by the author to accept those arguments, if not as definitive then at least as highly arresting and deserving of careful and full positive consideration.

When we interpret the dialogues in this way, we cannot escape the fact that we are entering into the mind of Plato, and attributing to him, their author, a positive evaluation of the arguments that his speakers present to each other.

There is a further reason for entertaining hypotheses about what Plato intended and believed, and not merely confining ourselves to observations about what sorts of people his characters are and what they say to each other.

When we undertake a serious study of Plato, and go beyond reading just one of his works, we are inevitably confronted with the question of how we are to link the work we are currently reading with the many others that Plato composed.

Admittedly, many of his dialogues make a fresh start in their setting and their interlocutors: typically, Socrates encounters a group of people many of whom do not appear in any other work of Plato, and so, as an author, he needs to give his readers some indication of their character and social circumstances.

But often Plato's characters make statements that would be difficult for readers to understand unless they had already read one or more of his other works.

For example, in Phaedo 73a-b , Socrates says that one argument for the immortality of the soul derives from the fact that when people are asked certain kinds of questions, and are aided with diagrams, they answer in a way that shows that they are not learning afresh from the diagrams or from information provided in the questions, but are drawing their knowledge of the answers from within themselves.

That remark would be of little worth for an audience that had not already read Meno. Several pages later, Socrates tells his interlocutors that his argument about our prior knowledge of equality itself the form of equality applies no less to other forms—to the beautiful, good, just, pious and to all the other things that are involved in their asking and answering of questions 75d.

Laches : what is courage? Charmides : What is moderation? Hippias Major : what is beauty? Evidently, Plato is assuming that readers of Phaedo have already read several of his other works, and will bring to bear on the current argument all of the lessons that they have learned from them.

In some of his writings, Plato's characters refer ahead to the continuation of their conversations on another day, or refer back to conversations they had recently: thus Plato signals to us that we should read Theaetetus , Sophist , and Statesman sequentially; and similarly, since the opening of Timaeus refers us back to Republic , Plato is indicating to his readers that they must seek some connection between these two works.

These features of the dialogues show Plato's awareness that he cannot entirely start from scratch in every work that he writes.

He will introduce new ideas and raise fresh difficulties, but he will also expect his readers to have already familiarized themselves with the conversations held by the interlocutors of other dialogues—even when there is some alteration among those interlocutors.

Meno does not re-appear in Phaedo ; Timaeus was not among the interlocutors of Republic. Why does Plato have his dominant characters Socrates, the Eleatic visitor reaffirm some of the same points from one dialogue to another, and build on ideas that were made in earlier works?

If the dialogues were merely meant as provocations to thought—mere exercises for the mind—there would be no need for Plato to identify his leading characters with a consistent and ever-developing doctrine.

For example, Socrates continues to maintain, over a large number of dialogues, that there are such things as forms—and there is no better explanation for this continuity than to suppose that Plato is recommending that doctrine to his readers.

Furthermore, when Socrates is replaced as the principal investigator by the visitor from Elea in Sophist and Statesman , the existence of forms continues to be taken for granted, and the visitor criticizes any conception of reality that excludes such incorporeal objects as souls and forms.

The Eleatic visitor, in other words, upholds a metaphysics that is, in many respects, like the one that Socrates is made to defend.

Again, the best explanation for this continuity is that Plato is using both characters—Socrates and the Eleatic visitor—as devices for the presentation and defense of a doctrine that he embraces and wants his readers to embrace as well.

This way of reading Plato's dialogues does not presuppose that he never changes his mind about anything—that whatever any of his main interlocutors uphold in one dialogue will continue to be presupposed or affirmed elsewhere without alteration.

It is, in fact, a difficult and delicate matter to determine, on the basis of our reading of the dialogues, whether Plato means to modify or reject in one dialogue what he has his main interlocutor affirm in some other.

One of the most intriguing and controversial questions about his treatment of the forms, for example, is whether he concedes that his conception of those abstract entities is vulnerable to criticism; and, if so, whether he revises some of the assumptions he had been making about them, or develops a more elaborate picture of them that allows him to respond to that criticism.

In Parmenides , the principal interlocutor not Socrates—he is here portrayed as a promising, young philosopher in need of further training—but rather the pre-Socratic from Elea who gives the dialogue its name: Parmenides subjects the forms to withering criticism, and then consents to conduct an inquiry into the nature of oneness that has no overt connection to his critique of the forms.

Does the discussion of oneness a baffling series of contradictions—or at any rate, propositions that seem, on the surface, to be contradictions in some way help address the problems raised about forms?

That is one way of reading the dialogue. And if we do read it in this way, does that show that Plato has changed his mind about some of the ideas about forms he inserted into earlier dialogues?

It is not easy to say. But we cannot even raise this as an issue worth pondering unless we presuppose that behind the dialogues there stands a single mind that is using these writings as a way of hitting upon the truth, and of bringing that truth to the attention of others.

If we find Timaeus the principal interlocutor of the dialogue named after him and the Eleatic visitor of the Sophist and Statesman talking about forms in a way that is entirely consistent with the way Socrates talks about forms in Phaedo and Republic , then there is only one reasonable explanation for that consistency: Plato believes that their way of talking about forms is correct, or is at least strongly supported by powerful considerations.

If, on the other hand, we find that Timaeus or the Eleatic visitor talks about forms in a way that does not harmonize with the way Socrates conceives of those abstract objects, in the dialogues that assign him a central role as director of the conversation, then the most plausible explanation for these discrepancies is that Plato has changed his mind about the nature of these entities.

It would be implausible to suppose that Plato himself had no convictions about forms, and merely wants to give his readers mental exercise by composing dialogues in which different leading characters talk about these objects in discordant ways.

The same point—that we must view the dialogues as the product of a single mind, a single philosopher, though perhaps one who changes his mind—can be made in connection with the politics of Plato's works.

It is noteworthy, to begin with, that Plato is, among other things, a political philosopher. For he gives expression, in several of his writings particular Phaedo , to a yearning to escape from the tawdriness of ordinary human relations.

Similarly, he evinces a sense of the ugliness of the sensible world, whose beauty pales in comparison with that of the forms.

Because of this, it would have been all too easy for Plato to turn his back entirely on practical reality, and to confine his speculations to theoretical questions.

Some of his works— Parmenides is a stellar example—do confine themselves to exploring questions that seem to have no bearing whatsoever on practical life.

But it is remarkable how few of his works fall into this category. Even the highly abstract questions raised in Sophist about the nature of being and not-being are, after all, embedded in a search for the definition of sophistry; and thus they call to mind the question whether Socrates should be classified as a sophist—whether, in other words, sophists are to be despised and avoided.

In any case, despite the great sympathy Plato expresses for the desire to shed one's body and live in an incorporeal world, he devotes an enormous amount of energy to the task of understanding the world we live in, appreciating its limited beauty, and improving it.

His tribute to the mixed beauty of the sensible world, in Timaeus , consists in his depiction of it as the outcome of divine efforts to mold reality in the image of the forms, using simple geometrical patterns and harmonious arithmetic relations as building blocks.

The desire to transform human relations is given expression in a far larger number of works. Socrates presents himself, in Plato's Apology , as a man who does not have his head in the clouds that is part of Aristophanes' charge against him in Clouds.

He does not want to escape from the everyday world but to make it better. He presents himself, in Gorgias , as the only Athenian who has tried his hand at the true art of politics.

Similarly, the Socrates of Republic devotes a considerable part of his discussion to the critique of ordinary social institutions—the family, private property, and rule by the many.

The motivation that lies behind the writing of this dialogue is the desire to transform or, at any rate, to improve political life, not to escape from it although it is acknowledged that the desire to escape is an honorable one: the best sort of rulers greatly prefer the contemplation of divine reality to the governance of the city.

And if we have any further doubts that Plato does take an interest in the practical realm, we need only turn to Laws. A work of such great detail and length about voting procedures, punishments, education, legislation, and the oversight of public officials can only have been produced by someone who wants to contribute something to the improvement of the lives we lead in this sensible and imperfect realm.

Further evidence of Plato's interest in practical matters can be drawn from his letters, if they are genuine. In most of them, he presents himself as having a deep interest in educating with the help of his friend, Dion the ruler of Syracuse, Dionysius II, and thus reforming that city's politics.

Just as any attempt to understand Plato's views about forms must confront the question whether his thoughts about them developed or altered over time, so too our reading of him as a political philosopher must be shaped by a willingness to consider the possibility that he changed his mind.

For example, on any plausible reading of Republic , Plato evinces a deep antipathy to rule by the many. Socrates tells his interlocutors that the only politics that should engage them are those of the anti-democratic regime he depicts as the paradigm of a good constitution.

And yet in Laws , the Athenian visitor proposes a detailed legislative framework for a city in which non-philosophers people who have never heard of the forms, and have not been trained to understand them are given considerable powers as rulers.

Plato would not have invested so much time in the creation of this comprehensive and lengthy work, had he not believed that the creation of a political community ruled by those who are philosophically unenlightened is a project that deserves the support of his readers.

Has Plato changed his mind, then? Has he re-evaluated the highly negative opinion he once held of those who are innocent of philosophy?

Did he at first think that the reform of existing Greek cities, with all of their imperfections, is a waste of time—but then decide that it is an endeavor of great value?

And if so, what led him to change his mind? Answers to these questions can be justified only by careful attention to what he has his interlocutors say.

But it would be utterly implausible to suppose that these developmental questions need not be raised, on the grounds that Republic and Laws each has its own cast of characters, and that the two works therefore cannot come into contradiction with each other.

According to this hypothesis one that must be rejected , because it is Socrates not Plato who is critical of democracy in Republic , and because it is the Athenian visitor not Plato who recognizes the merits of rule by the many in Laws , there is no possibility that the two dialogues are in tension with each other.

Against this hypothesis, we should say: Since both Republic and Laws are works in which Plato is trying to move his readers towards certain conclusions, by having them reflect on certain arguments—these dialogues are not barred from having this feature by their use of interlocutors—it would be an evasion of our responsibility as readers and students of Plato not to ask whether what one of them advocates is compatible with what the other advocates.

If we answer that question negatively, we have some explaining to do: what led to this change? Alternatively, if we conclude that the two works are compatible, we must say why the appearance of conflict is illusory.

Many contemporary scholars find it plausible that when Plato embarked on his career as a philosophical writer, he composed, in addition to his Apology of Socrates, a number of short ethical dialogues that contain little or nothing in the way of positive philosophical doctrine, but are mainly devoted to portraying the way in which Socrates punctured the pretensions of his interlocutors and forced them to realize that they are unable to offer satisfactory definitions of the ethical terms they used, or satisfactory arguments for their moral beliefs.

According to this way of placing the dialogues into a rough chronological order—associated especially with Gregory Vlastos's name see especially his Socrates Ironist and Moral Philosopher , chapters 2 and 3 —Plato, at this point of his career, was content to use his writings primarily for the purpose of preserving the memory of Socrates and making plain the superiority of his hero, in intellectual skill and moral seriousness, to all of his contemporaries—particularly those among them who claimed to be experts on religious, political, or moral matters.

For example, it is sometimes said that Protagoras and Gorgias are later, because of their greater length and philosophical complexity.

Other dialogues—for example, Charmides and Lysis —are thought not to be among Plato's earliest within this early group, because in them Socrates appears to be playing a more active role in shaping the progress of the dialogue: that is, he has more ideas of his own.

Aristotle describes Socrates as someone whose interests were restricted to only one branch of philosophy—the realm of the ethical; and he also says that he was in the habit of asking definitional questions to which he himself lacked answers Metaphysics b1, Sophistical Refutations b7.

That testimony gives added weight to the widely accepted hypothesis that there is a group of dialogues—the ones mentioned above as his early works, whether or not they were all written early in Plato's writing career—in which Plato used the dialogue form as a way of portraying the philosophical activities of the historical Socrates although, of course, he might also have used them in other ways as well—for example to suggest and begin to explore philosophical difficulties raised by them.

By contrast, in Apology Socrates says that no one knows what becomes of us after we die. Phaedo is often said to be the dialogue in which Plato first comes into his own as a philosopher who is moving far beyond the ideas of his teacher though it is also commonly said that we see a new methodological sophistication and a greater interest in mathematical knowledge in Meno.

Having completed all of the dialogues that, according to this hypothesis, we characterize as early, Plato widened the range of topics to be explored in his writings no longer confining himself to ethics , and placed the theory of forms and related ideas about language, knowledge, and love at the center of his thinking.

The focus is no longer on ridding ourselves of false ideas and self-deceit; rather, we are asked to accept however tentatively a radical new conception of ourselves now divided into three parts , our world—or rather, our two worlds—and our need to negotiate between them.

Definitions of the most important virtue terms are finally proposed in Republic the search for them in some of the early dialogues having been unsuccessful : Book I of this dialogue is a portrait of how the historical Socrates might have handled the search for a definition of justice, and the rest of the dialogue shows how the new ideas and tools discovered by Plato can complete the project that his teacher was unable to finish.

In doing so, he acknowledges his intellectual debt to his teacher and appropriates for his own purposes the extraordinary prestige of the man who was the wisest of his time.

That is because, following ancient testimony, it has become a widely accepted assumption that Laws is one of Plato's last works, and further that this dialogue shares a great many stylistic affinities with a small group of others: Sophist , Statesman , Timaeus , Critias , and Philebus.

As he conceived them, they were accessible not to the senses but to the mind alone, and they were the most important constituents of reality, underlying the existence of the sensible world and giving it what intelligibility it has.

In metaphysics Plato envisioned a systematic, rational treatment of the forms and their interrelations, starting with the most fundamental among them the Good , or the One ; in ethics and moral psychology he developed the view that the good life requires not just a certain kind of knowledge as Socrates had suggested but also habituation to healthy emotional responses and therefore harmony between the three parts of the soul according to Plato, reason , spirit, and appetite.

His works also contain discussions in aesthetics , political philosophy , theology , cosmology , epistemology , and the philosophy of language.

His school fostered research not just in philosophy narrowly conceived but in a wide range of endeavours that today would be called mathematical or scientific.

The son of Ariston his father and Perictione his mother , Plato was born in the year after the death of the great Athenian statesman Pericles.

Plato as a young man was a member of the circle around Socrates. Since the latter wrote nothing, what is known of his characteristic activity of engaging his fellow citizens and the occasional itinerant celebrity in conversation derives wholly from the writings of others, most notably Plato himself.

Resentment against Socrates grew, leading ultimately to his trial and execution on charges of impiety and corrupting the youth in Plato was profoundly affected by both the life and the death of Socrates.

After the death of Socrates, Plato may have traveled extensively in Greece , Italy , and Egypt , though on such particulars the evidence is uncertain.

The followers of Pythagoras c. It is thought that his three trips to Syracuse in Sicily many of the Letters concern these, though their authenticity is controversial led to a deep personal attachment to Dion — bce , brother-in-law of Dionysius the Elder — bce , the tyrant of Syracuse.

The great mathematicians Theaetetus — bce and Eudoxus of Cnidus c. Although Plato was not a research mathematician, he was aware of the results of those who were, and he made use of them in his own work.

For 20 years Aristotle was also a member of the Academy. Because Aristotle often discusses issues by contrasting his views with those of his teacher, it is easy to be impressed by the ways in which they diverge.

Thus, whereas for Plato the crown of ethics is the good in general, or Goodness itself the Good , for Aristotle it is the good for human beings; and whereas for Plato the genus to which a thing belongs possesses a greater reality than the thing itself, for Aristotle the opposite is true.

Indeed, the painting may be said to represent this continuity by showing the two men conversing amicably. In any case, the Academy did not impose a dogmatic orthodoxy and in fact seems to have fostered a spirit of independent inquiry; at a later time it took on a skeptical orientation.

Although Plato is well known for his negative remarks about much great literature , in the Symposium he depicts literature and philosophy as the offspring of lovers, who gain a more lasting posterity than do parents of mortal children.

His own literary and philosophical gifts ensure that something of Plato will live on for as long as readers engage with his works. But the ordering of Thrasyllus makes no sense for a reader today.

By combining the two kinds of consideration, scholars have arrived at a widely used rough grouping of works, labeled with the traditional designations of early, middle, and late dialogues.

These groups can also be thought of as the Socratic works based on the activities of the historical Socrates , the literary masterpieces, and the technical studies see below Works individually described.

The copying process inevitably resulted in some corruption, which is often shown by disagreement between rival manuscript traditions. These features represent the contributions of scholars of many generations and countries, as does the ongoing attempt to correct for corruption.

Important variant readings and suggestions are commonly printed at the bottom of each page of text, forming the apparatus criticus.

In the great majority of cases only one decision is possible, but there are instances—some of crucial importance—where several courses can be adopted and where the resulting readings have widely differing import.

The work of the translator imports another layer of similar judgments. Some Greek sentences admit of several fundamentally different grammatical construals with widely differing senses, and many ancient Greek words have no neat English equivalents.

A notable artifact of the work of translators and scholars is a device of selective capitalization sometimes employed in English. Others have employed a variant of this convention in which capitalization is used to indicate a special way in which Plato is supposed to have thought of the forms during a certain period i.

Still others do not use capital letters for any such purpose. Readers will do best to keep in mind that such devices are in any case only suggestions.

In recent centuries there have been some changes in the purpose and style of English translations of ancient philosophy.

The great Plato translation by Benjamin Jowett —93 , for example, was not intended as a tool of scholarship; anyone who would undertake such a study already knew ancient Greek.

At the other extreme was a type of translation that aimed to be useful to serious students and professional philosophers who did not know Greek; its goal was to indicate as clearly as possible the philosophical potentialities of the text, however much readability suffered in consequence.

Exemplars of this style, which was much in vogue in the second half of the 20th century, are the series published by the Clarendon Press and also, in a different tradition, the translations undertaken by followers of Leo Strauss —

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